Jean-Paul Sartre: We are dealing here with a kind of worker aristocracy; around them would gravitate the people who were to be helped and raised up but who, for the moment, really were inferiors within the context of the working class itself. This translated into the choice of a particular form of unionization. When the time came to raise the issue of forming industrial unions, the skilled workers opted for craft-based organization, because that would exclude the unskilled. Objectively, this gave rise to a particular kind of union struggle that was real enough at the time, because in practice it was enough for the skilled workforce in a factory—the minority—to go on strike for operations to cease, even if the unskilled majority wanted to go on working. The union practice of the time, the kind of self-valuing, the type of struggle and form of organization, corresponded strictly to what those workers were, to what the machine was. We are not saying here that they were wrong or right: they were all that the universal lathe allowed them to be. It was in them, as their superiority; they interiorized it, and this interiorization, or subjectivation, produced the whole phenomenon of anarcho-syndicalism. This was not, as Lukács claims, because they did not grasp the totality of what the working class was and what its struggle was. On the contrary, because they were at the centre of production, they did grasp it as it was at that time. It is true that at that time they were far better qualified than the rest, but it is also true that this led to the development of yellow unions, an aristocracy of labour and a host of fairly aberrant secondary elements reflecting that conception, that interiorization in the form of social superiority, which disappeared wherever work that required training was replaced by semi-automated, then automated machines. But in that epoch they could not have been expected to foresee the existence of such machines, practically and in their struggle. Of course Marx described them in Capital, but he was a theorist, a leader of the International, not a worker who struggles at every instance of his life, someone who is formed by the machine and at the same time internally transforms it. Which means that class consciousness itself has its limits, which are the limits of the situation as long as that situation has not been completely revealed. Should this lead us to describe this type of 'class consciousness' as empty? Should we decide that the anarcho-syndicalists were not the men required? On the contrary, it is because they were aware of their strength, their courage and their worth, because they established unions and specific forms of struggle, that other forms of struggle could emerge in the era when specialized workers appeared. In the course of struggle, the subjective moment, as a way of being inside the objective moment, is absolutely indispensable to the dialectical development of social life and the historical process. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5270
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Jean-Paul Sartre: An anti‐Semitic mob will consider it has done enough when it has massacred some Jews and burned a few synagogues. It represents, therefore, a safety valve for the owning classes, who encourage it and thus substitute for a dangerous hate against their regime a beneficent hate against particular people. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5271
Jean-Paul Sartre: I was not the one to invent lies: they were created in a society divided by class and each of us inherited lies when we were born. It is not by refusing to lie that we will abolish lies: it is by eradicating class by any means necessary. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5272
Roger Ebert: We observe that nothing creates fascists like the threat of freedom. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5273
Leila Khaled: My historic mission was as a warrior in the inevitable battle between oppressors and oppressed, exploiters and exploited, I decided to become a revolutionary in order to liberate my people and myself. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5274
David Graeber: We have become a civilization based on work—not even 'productive work' but work as an end and meaning in itself. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5275
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Walter Benjamin: Its self-alienation has reached such a degree that it can experience its own destruction as an aesthetic pleasure of the first order. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5276
Chris Hani: As long as the economy is dominated by an unelected privileged few, the case for socialism will exist. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5277
Chris Hani: Socialism is not about big concepts and heavy theory. Socialism is about decent shelter for those who are homeless. It is about water for those who have no safe drinking water. It is about health care, it is about a life of dignity for the old. It is about overcoming the huge divide between urban and rural areas. It is about a decent education for all our people. Socialism is about rolling back the tyranny of the market. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5278
Kwame Ture: If a white man wants to lynch me, that's his problem. If he's got the power to lynch me, that's my problem. Racism is not a question of attitude; it's a question of power. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5279
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Leonardo da Vinci: The human foot is a masterpiece of engineering and a work of art. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5280
Julius Nyerere: There is only one way in which you can cause people to undertake their own development. That is by education and leadership. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5281
Umberto Eco: Fascism became an all-purpose term because one can eliminate from a fascist regime one or more features, and it will still be recognizable as fascist. Take away imperialism from fascism and you still have Franco and Salazar. Take away colonialism and you still have the Balkan fascism of the Ustashes. Add to the Italian fascism a radical anti-capitalism (which never much fascinated Mussolini) and you have Ezra Pound. Add a cult of Celtic mythology and the Grail mysticism (completely alien to official fascism) and you have one of the most respected fascist gurus, Julius Evola... But in spite of this fuzziness, I think it is possible to outline a list of features that are typical of what I would like to call Ur-Fascism, or Eternal Fascism. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5282
Umberto Eco: (Ur-Fascism) depends on the cult of action for action's sake. Action being beautiful in itself, it must be taken before, or without, any previous reflection. Thinking is a form of emasculation. Therefore culture is suspect insofar as it is identified with critical attitudes. Distrust of the intellectual world has always been a symptom of Ur-Fascism, from Goering's alleged statement ("When I hear talk of culture I reach for my gun") to the frequent use of such expressions as "degenerate intellectuals," "eggheads," "effete snobs," "universities are a nest of reds." The official Fascist intellectuals were mainly engaged in attacking modern culture and the liberal intelligentsia for having betrayed traditional values. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5283
Umberto Eco: At the root of the Ur-Fascist psychology there is the obsession with a plot, possibly an international one. The followers must feel besieged. The easiest way to solve the plot is the appeal to xenophobia. But the plot must also come from the inside: Jews are usually the best target because they have the advantage of being at the same time inside and outside. In the US, a prominent instance of the plot obsession is to be found in Pat Robertson's The New World Order, but, as we have recently seen, there are many others. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5284
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Umberto Eco: The followers must feel humiliated by the ostentatious wealth and force of their enemies. When I was a boy I was taught to think of Englishmen as the five-meal people. They ate more frequently than the poor but sober Italians. Jews are rich and help each other through a secret web of mutual assistance. However, the followers must be convinced that they can overwhelm the enemies. Thus, by a continuous shifting of rhetorical focus, the enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5285
Umberto Eco: Elitism is a typical aspect of any reactionary ideology, insofar as it is fundamentally aristocratic, and aristocratic and militaristic elitism cruelly implies contempt for the weak. Ur-Fascism can only advocate a popular elitism. Every citizen belongs to the best people of the world, the members of the party are the best among the citizens, every citizen can (or ought to) become a member of the party. But there cannot be patricians without plebeians. In fact, the Leader, knowing that his power was not delegated to him democratically but was conquered by force, also knows that his force is based upon the weakness of the masses; they are so weak as to need and deserve a ruler. Since the group is hierarchically organized (according to a military model), every subordinate leader despises his own underlings, and each of them despises his inferiors. This reinforces the sense of mass elitism. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5286
Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism is based upon a selective populism, a qualitative populism, one might say. In a democracy, the citizens have individual rights, but the citizens in their entirety have a political impact only from a quantitative point of view—one follows the decisions of the majority. For Ur-Fascism, however, individuals as individuals have no rights, and the People is conceived as a quality, a monolithic entity expressing the Common Will. Since no large quantity of human beings can have a common will, the Leader pretends to be their interpreter. Having lost their power of delegation, citizens do not act; they are only called on to play the role of the People. Thus the People is only a theatrical fiction. To have a good instance of qualitative populism we no longer need the Piazza Venezia in Rome or the Nuremberg Stadium. There is in our future a TV or Internet populism, in which the emotional response of a selected group of citizens can be presented and accepted as the Voice of the People. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5287
Margaret Thatcher: Nelson Mandela is a terrorist. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5288
Malcolm Reynolds: You think following the rules will buy you a nice life, even if the rules make you a slave. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5289
Rachel Corrie: I think freedom for Palestine could be an incredible source of hope to people struggling all over the world. I think it could also be an incredible inspiration to Arab people in the Middle East, who are struggling under undemocratic regimes which the U.S. supports. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5290
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Fidel Castro: Our country does not drop bombs on other people, nor does it send thousands of planes to bomb cities. Instead our country sends doctors to those most lost corners of the world. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5291
Enver Hoxha: It is not consciousness that determines being but it is being that determines consciousness. Looking at the question from this Marxist-Leninist angle we can understand the magnitude, variety, as well as the difficulties of the leading role of the Party in the tempering of consciousness, of consciousness as a direct derivative of the struggle and the efforts of our people. From this stems the great role which literature and the arts should play in the inculcation and development of this consciousness, closely linked with the period we are going through, with the efforts, the struggles for the construction of socialism, with the struggle on a world scale against imperialism, the bourgeois ideology and its variant, modern revisionism, etc. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5292
Charles de Gaulle: Patriotism is when love of your own people comes first; nationalism, when hate for people other than your own comes first. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5293
Thomas Draxe: The more noble, the more humble. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5294
Joseph Goebbels: We can do without butter, but, despite all our love of peace, not without arms. One cannot shoot with butter, but with guns. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5295
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Joseph Goebbels: He who cannot hate the devil cannot love God. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5296
Joseph Goebbels: I am only the instrument that God uses to sing his song. I am only the vessel that nature smilingly fills with new wine. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5297
Joseph Goebbels: While National Socialism brought about a new version and formulation of European culture, Bolshevism is the declaration of war by Jewish-led international subhumans against culture itself. It is not only anti-bourgeois, it is anti-cultural. It means, in the final consequence, the absolute destruction of all economic, social, state, cultural, and civilizing advances made by western civilization for the benefit of a rootless and nomadic international clique of conspirators, who have found their representation in Jewry. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5298
Fyodor Dostoevsky: The best way to keep a prisoner from escaping is to make sure he never knows he's in prison. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5299
L.R. Knost: It's not our job to toughen our children up to face a cruel and heartless world. It's our job to raise children who will make the world a little less cruel and heartless. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5300
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Fernando Pessoa: I have found out that reading is a slavish sort of dreaming. If I must dream, why not my own dreams? https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5301
Fernando Pessoa: Contradiction is the essence of the universe. https://wordsmith.social/protestation/quotes#quote5302